憩东篱而图南

来悉尼一个多月了，环境已比较熟悉。住处所在的Marsfield很绿，人少，景色宜人。早晨背书包穿过滑铁卢公园的大草坪去学校看书。图书馆很新，设施齐全。有一个PhD和MPhil专用的大自习室，设施一应俱全，十分安静舒适。我每次最多可以借五十本书，还可以续借两次。

傍晚七点左右的夕阳残照中，我会在山顶上一块超大的绿草坪里长跑，环顾四周，全都是蓝天白云。

来国外学习，反倒细细读起了《水浒》、《红楼》、《金瓶梅》、《儒林外史》，不知道这在澳洲留学生中算不算屈指可数。也会很广泛地读到西方学者对中国文学的论著以及文学理论方面的书。每个月见一次导师，除此之外时间都由自己支配。日子过得很充实，也很孤单，要经常提醒自己克服惰性和消极情绪。

在教书五年之后，我很庆幸能有这么好的学习机会。打个很光彩的比方，这就好比太上老君炼丹炉里的美猴王，个中必是有某种机缘的。徐志摩当年洒脱地“挥一挥衣袖，不带走一片云彩。”“云彩”我也可以不要。但请问“云彩”之上的老天爷，我可不可以要一双大圣的“火眼金睛”？

杏坛究竟定有数，重回老君炼丹炉。
真火淬尽障与痴，灵药一洗眼前雾。
穷经不必待皓首，悟道何妨重洋渡。
大道常在大寂中，无常当于有常住。

By Luo Huaiyu

The Chinese economy has scored tremendous progress in the last two or three decades, transforming the country from an impoverished planned economy into the most vibrant market in the world with the greatest growth momentum. The whole world has been looking to China, either for profit or for experience. The world today is still looking to China, yet, increasingly, with a question mark: how long is China’s prime going to last?

Given China’s huge market potential, the government’s restructuring and regulatory efforts, the evolving mode of economic growth, and the continuing process of urbanization, we have good reason to believe that China’s economy is very likely to sustain an admirable rate of growth in the foreseeable future.

However, to ensure this, China may need to embrace the right philosophy for its national development. One important aspect of such a philosophy, as I have observed, is to make a hard choice between vanity and sustainability.

A line needs to be drawn between national image-building and vanity pursuits. National image is important for every country and every people, as it represents a country’s identity and dignity both to its people and to the outside world. And, to be sure, national image is to a great extent connected with a country’s material success, as often reflected in its cosmopolitan skylines and landmark architecture. For example, speaking of Paris, people will naturally think of the Eiffel Tower and the Champs Elysees. Speaking of Dubai, people will envision a magnificent skyline shaped by ultra-modern buildings and extravagant landmarks. Speaking of Beijing, people will probably remember its ancient architecture such as the Great Wall and the Imperial Palace and gardens, or an exquisite and stately modern view along the Chang’an Avenue.

People would welcome the country’s material success and would like to see it contribute to the improvement of national image. However, on the other hand, we should be aware that national image also consists in something soft and intangible. We should also be vigilant that our emphasis on national image-building through material success be pushed into the extreme and be turned into varieties of vanity pursuits, especially at a time when the country’s economic growth is faced with big challenges and government budgets are supposed to be spent in a wiser way.

Over the years, we have seen too many cases of low-level repeated construction all over the country; we have seen many grand projects boisterously launched, yet shortly end up in disruption or dilapidation. One recent example is China’s high-speed railway construction. The construction of a high-speed railway network should have been in the best interest of the country and the people because it can not only increase the per capita railway mileage and thus greatly relieve the stress of railway transportation, but also can upgrade China’s railway system to be the most advanced in the world, in which sense it can also be a boost for China’s national image. Unfortunately, however, it has turned out to be a vanity project, to some extent. Project speed and extravagance had been put before quality, safety and budget, which soon resulted in a series of malfunction, including a catastrophic accident in Wenzhou last July. That a number of officials have been put into legal procedure also proves that vanity projects can sometimes be a hotbed for rampant corruption.

The transition from vanity to sustainability calls for a value revolution in our national development. In all our infrastructure building and grand project construction, we should not simply aim to brush up records or amaze the world. Of primary importance should always be whether the projects will be worth their budgets, whether they will be of good quality and perform their functions well, whether they will be people-friendly and environment-friendly, and how our posterity will look at them.

This also highlights the importance of scientific overall planning, correct government decision-making, effective auditing, and supervision by the media and by the people. In this sense, it can be said that the transition from vanity to sustainability also requires a social atmosphere featuring transparency, accountability and participation.

From another perspective, if a cap is put on vanity projects of all forms, China can expect to save a considerable portion of its budget and invest more on education, research and development, social security, and poverty relief. All this will greatly contribute to the sustainability of China’s development.

The difference between vanity and sustainability is really one between short-term effect and long-term benefit. Now, China’s national development has entered the important phase of the Twelfth Five-year Plan. The domestic economic situation is full of challenges and complexities while the world economic environment is showing little sign of improving in the aftermath of a devastating financial crisis. It is therefore more imperative for China to be more practical-minded and pursue the “scientific development” in a really scientific way. In a word, if China wishes to lead the world economy in the 21^st century, it has to refrain from its vanity pursuits and take systematic measures to consolidate its foundation of sustainability, because the international “Marathon” in the 21^st century will definitely be one of “sustainability”.

By Luo Huaiyu

Over the last two decades, one of the key presuppositions of China's foreign policy has been the world's accelerating trend towards multi-polarization. Adhering to this philosophy, which was instituted in the Deng Xiaoping era, China has made great efforts to foster strategic ties with other major world powers, including the U.S., Western Europe, and Russia. China has also attached heightened importance to maintaining stable and positive relations with its regional rivals such as Japan and India.

With the world's strategic and economic center of gravity shifting to the Asia-Pacific region, China may need to reexamine its foreign policy strategy.

Visions of a multi-polar world can often be so grand as to impair our ability to understand the balance of power at local and regional levels and confront a pressing agenda of global concerns, such as a volatile economic climate. Besides, an over-adherence to the ideology of multi-polarization spends too much political capital and conveys the image of a lack of focus and continuity.

China should give priority to its foreign policy concerns in Asia, not just because people are all talking about the Asia century nowadays, nor because the United States seems to be shifting its focus from the trans-Atlantic region to the Asia-Pacific, nor because of Asia's size of population and its aggregate of economy and trade. China has to build its position as a leading Asian power if it wants to assert its identity as a leading world power. Second, China has to effectively spread its influence in Asia before it can project its influence worldwide. Third, collective security in Asia can increase the security of China as a major stakeholder in the world. Finally, an Asian focus is both a reasonable and a natural choice for China if geopolitical, cultural, and historical factors are taken into consideration.

Some might be worried that China's diplomatic latitude will narrow if it prioritizes Asia in its foreign policy strategy. In fact, exactly the opposite will happen. As its focus shifts, China will have more extensive interaction with countries such as South Korea and Japan and regions such as South Asia and Southeast Asia through already-existent channels and frameworks, and play a leading role in addressing important regional issues. Due to the importance of Asia in an increasingly globalized world, Asian issues will not simply be international or regional issues, they will have global significance. The expanding US presence in Asia added global significance to issues important to the region.

Although China should play a greater role in Asian affairs, it should not retreat from its other endeavors around the world, including building partnerships with countries in Africa and Latin America and multi-dimensional cooperation with Europe. Indeed, China needs to further enhance its traditional ties with third-world countries and assume a more active role in international relations and the resolution of global challenges. This is what the world expects of China as a responsible power.

Being more active on the international stage should not run counter to China's long-time principle of "taoguang yanghui" (meaning "to conceal one's abilities"). There is a big difference between being active and being aggressive. Being more active is a manifestation of confidence, capability, and responsibility. If China actively participates in world affairs and actively contributes to the resolution of global challenges while safeguarding its own legitimate national interests, it is likely to achieve more lasting cooperation and support from the international community.

As the strategic importance of the Asia-Pacific region continues to increase, China should more explicitly emphasize its foreign policy priority shift to Asia, to its neighbors and the entire international community. Prioritizing Asia, while assuming a more active role in global affairs, will further establish China as a pragmatic and responsible world power and provide much-needed space for China's sustainable growth.

因为出国时间迟迟未定，系里这学期没有给我预排课。看着其他同事紧张地忙碌着，心里不时冒出一些愧意。就在这时，大外那边有个老师因故不能上课，问我能不能过去接手。我毫不犹豫地答应了下来。接手的是2010级的法学实验班和国贸快班，都是四、五十个学生的大班。给我的第一印象是，学风面貌比较好，每个人在学习态度上都是端正的，两个女生课代表特别地热情、积极、有帮助，法实班有几个男生总坐前两排，显得特别地好学，民族地区的同学名字都很有趣，而且先天的语音条件就很不错，有些学生给我的感觉日后肯定能有些作为。

他们没见过像我这样的老师，我也没教过他们这种类型的学生；教材与教法是陌生的，学生对我来说更陌生。我们经过了前两个星期的磨合期。我理解频频换老师可能对学生带来的心理感受。

很快我们就上道了。在课堂上给我很多支持与配合。从三次四级模考的结果来看，短短两个月还是有明显进步的。这让我从内心里感到欣慰，每天的心情也随之变得轻快起来。如果不考虑教学过程中的种种复杂的问题，老师不就是这样一个简简单单的职业吗？简单的快乐，简单的满足感和成就感。

或许我却是不厚道的。代课而已，皆大欢喜是多好的结局啊。可我还是一样的古板。因为考试纪律，取消过一个同学的成绩。早上一进教室就要求他们开口朗读。郑重其事地批评过上课迟到和考试作弊的现象。对各种请假短信一概不理会。“严打”拼写问题和语法问题。等等。不知道会不会有的同学因此而埋怨我。人总是不能超越自己所在的成长环境和发展阶段来看待自己。或许，在以后的某个点上，这些问题会不言自明的。

昨天给他们上最后一堂课时，我一点没觉察到有什么异样。然而刚一下课，当他们一个个地把留言条交到我手里的时候，我被彻底地“overwhelmed”。多么的special，多么的sweet。

回来休息室里，我一张一张地把留言条摊开了来读，感动得几乎要哭出来。

尽管以前的教学中也有类似的经历，但这一次的却来得那样悄无声息。对于一个只教他们两个月的老师，我觉得这是一种无上的荣誉。这一张张小纸条都是最珍贵的礼物。每一张都代表着一颗心，都是有热度的。

我何德何能。身为一个人，我也是多面的。理想主义的“牛粪”上也插着几朵现实主义的“鲜花”。总体上算是个好人吧。这个学期因为要出国深造，马上就要暂时离开教学的岗位。出于这种心情，我也将这个博客的背景音乐换成电影“放牛班的春天”的主题音乐。马图走的时候，那所小学的校长不准学生见他、送他，可孩子们却从教室里飞出一个个纸飞机。感伤的马图看到纸飞机从教室的窗户飞下，捡起来看，发现每个纸飞机上都写着一句留言。

马图的幸福让我体验到了，而我却没有遭遇马图的无奈。何德何能啊，何德何能......

多么好的同学啊！

怀仁宇：中国人都是爱国的吗？平时我是不怎么看得出来的，只是感觉我们有很强的面子感，容不得别人说我们国家不好。一旦民族危亡了，或者空前的大灾难降临了，你会看到有人自溺、自焚以明爱国之志，或者立血书、自断经脉、声嘶力竭地疾呼。似乎每个人都寄希望于唤醒别人。这样的文化焉能不革新？

友甲：邹容的书白写了、陈天华白死了？史可法、张自忠是干啥的？

怀仁宇：是给你今天拿来说的。

怀仁宇：我提的问题是“中国人都是爱国的吗？”请注意这个“都”字。我要谈的问题是腐朽文化的革新，不是讨论志士仁人是干啥的。不好意思。我反应有点过了。

友甲：今天如果没有可以拿来说的英雄，这个民族更悲哀。我也没反对你的论点，只是不认同你的论据。你要抨击犬儒主义盛行我不反对。

怀仁宇：现实中没有英雄的民族就是没有英雄的民族。历史中的英雄是属于历史的英雄。它不能使一个民族在现实中变得英雄（heroic)。

友甲：在需要英雄的时候能出现英雄的民族就是英雄的民族。现在没有英雄是这个社会的幸福。割裂历史与现实，如缘木求鱼，现实如无源之水。

怀仁宇：那这个社会也未免太幸福了。历史和现实难道不是一直在被割断吗？

友甲：现在这个社会没那么幸福啊，所以需要汶川的英雄，需要打假的英雄，需要说真话的英雄，这些人总是有的，也在做着；让别人冲在前面，自己接受胜利果实的，我见以民主精英自居者居多，他们的名字叫“小丑”。我不以为小丑们是主流。

怀仁宇：你在上一句里说“现在没有英雄是这个社会的幸福”。你在这一句里又说“现在这个社会没那么幸福啊，所以需要这个英雄，需要那个英雄”。人们不禁要问“逻辑何在？”至于你指一些人是“小丑”，我是完全不可能同意你的。在任何一个正常的社会里，通过正常的途径说说话、发表意见（哪怕是牢骚），都是人们的权利。就我的了解，以民主精英自居的人还真不多，往往是一些观念保守的人、”小肚不能容鸡肠”的人给他们贴上了这样或那样的标签。他们的名字不叫小丑，他们叫做这个国家的公民。在很多场合，他们被叫做“人民”，或者“同胞”，或者“中华儿女”。在你这里，他们又被剥夺了身份，还原成“小丑”。是啊，大概“小丑”都是相对于“大人”、“老爷”、“君子”而言的吧。践行民主权利的人没有什么错。要知道很少有人会因为仅仅追求了自己的民主权利而赚得盆满钵满，一跃成为既得利益的一部分。你显然是没有搞清楚谁是真正的小丑。你的观点基本上没有脱离中学课本的爱国主义教育，你的“小丑”一词有很强的新闻发布会色彩。

友甲：是我表述不清楚。我之前说的“现在没有英雄是这个社会的幸福”是指的文天祥、史可法、张自忠这样的需要抗争倾天大祸的那种英雄， 后面说的现在这个社会需要的英雄，也存在的英雄，是那些平凡而做着实事、普通而说着真话的人。所以着个社会是幸福的，不需要面对亡国灭种的危机；这个社会又是不那么幸福的，因为太多的丑恶需要人们来抗争。这样明白了吧。至于我指的小丑，也是加了定语的——也就是你开头所说的”寄希望于唤醒别人“，让被他们唤醒的人去流血，他们自己要活下去接收胜利果实的人。（如果你看过纪录片天安门的话，你会看到这种人）。我对于敢说真话的人的敬意在之前也表达过了，不知道你和我的分歧在哪里。而且你举例出来的这些”践行民主权利的人“在你看来如此意义重大，岂非又正好反驳了你”似乎每个人都寄希望于唤醒别人“的论断吗？要么你自己打自己脸这些”践行民主权利的人“是中国的良心与希望（我认为 其中一部分人 是），要么你就只能说他们是放嘴炮的无用之辈，只能被革新掉。

友甲：而且自第二次发言我就说了，我反对的不是你的论点，而是你的论据，是你一直在误解或者曲解我的发言而不断转进哦。“国军与敌重大杀伤后转进千里，共匪追之不及”。

友甲：另外，说话、发牢骚都是公民的权利，但也不要忘了还有网特这么一说。美国的互联网战略、洪博培最新的发言、中东的twitter革命你都是知道的吧？美分党拿美国人的钱的事，维基解密泄露的美国使馆报告，证据可是刚刚的。你英文那么好，可以自己去维基解密看吧。而我认识的人中，更多的是一边骂政府一边骂美分的，至今没收到五毛的”自带干粮的五毛党“居多，还多数是被美分、果粉恶心成的。对于践行权利的美分党，作为自带干粮的五毛，反骂之自然是本分。记得某自干五言道，老母亲说，当年还乡团杀我们，我们也杀还乡团，谁都没有留情。这就是美分和五毛的关系，大家各尽本分吧。

怀仁宇：对于我所说的“寄希望于唤醒别人的人”，我当然是持不赞许的态度的。但我仅仅是从批判文化和民族劣性的角度来说的。我并没有将这些人视为“小丑”的意思。因为，不知不觉间我们或许都带着他们的色彩。“寄希望于唤醒别人的人”也不只是以耍嘴皮子为唯一的本职，他们很多也在工作着、奉献着。而之所以诉诸于言论，一方面是由于社会责任感和参与精神，另一方面也是因为自身的无力感（其原因既有个人的，也有社会的，但主要是社会的）。和麻木的人、自觉驯服的人、明哲保身的人相比，我觉得这些人甚至有他们可爱的一面，因此我从情感上无论如何是想不到“小丑”这个词的，更何况还有资中筠、周有光等耄耋之年的学者，他们也在大声疾呼、“寄希望于唤醒别人”，他们难道也是在图名图利吗？退回几十年前，鲁迅终其一生都是在唤醒别人，不是吗？我感慨的是，每个人都想充当救世主，但在现实生活中又是怎样一番景象呢？至于你所提及的“天安门”，某些人耸动别人去流血牺牲，自己坐等胜利果实。这完全是另一个问题，另一种劣性。我们不妨将其称之为有中国特色的政治。古往今来，从来就没过超越过这样一个套路。

怀仁宇：网特这个问题，你可能比我更懂一些，我没有做过太多的了解。但是我想，网络本身就是一个开放的信息集散地，别人可以“特”我们，我们也可以“特”别人，因此这是平等的。在市场经济、传媒技术和消费文化的主导下，有人想通过利益的纽带引导、左右舆论是再正常不过的。因此，五毛党和美分党虽然为人们所鄙夷，从上述三个角度来衡量都是可以被理解的。而且，归根结底，什么网特、五毛、美分，这些都是小问题。一个民族如果丧失了健全的精神和文化，那才是真正可怕的。那甚至会使我们民族的复兴最终成为黄粱一梦。

怀仁宇：我感觉我们这个民族太需要“赤子之心”了，这种赤子之心应该存在于许许多多的人心中，他们中有青年、知识分子、工农、公务人员等等，这种赤子之心应该是在民族文化之中真实孕育的，而不应该是被政治调教出来的危险的假把式。

友甲：我是不相信什么民族劣根性的，中国的人的问题其他民族也正在或者曾经发生过，正如中国人的美德也常常能在其他民族身上发现一样。改革开放伊始，外国人惊诧于中国人的懒惰与缺乏时间观念，大呼中国人的劣根性，现在中国人却是全世界最忙碌的人。足以证明，所谓的劣根性，不过是一个历史概念，必须辩证的看，而不是一个民族永久性的标签。揪着其他民族的劣根性说事，可以说是战略战术；揪着本民族的劣根性说事，只能说被外人洗了脑，民族和历史虚无主义的牺牲品。

你如果非要追根溯源的话，归结到碳基生物劣根性上更好。我觉得“唤醒别人”的人值得尊敬，比如鲁迅；“寄希望于”“唤醒别人”的人至少是少不得一个懦弱的评论，只会发牢骚吸引眼球而无任何建设性意见、造谣以为张目、言必美式民主、盼王师来救、只恨卖国无门、不断刷新节操和智商下限的意见领袖、微博名人，在我等自干五严重，和作秀官僚、腐败分子一般，都是小丑。

有一个组织超越了“鼓动别人流血，自己坐等胜利果实”的这种政治套路，——就是土八路。“新中国成立的时候，我们有300万党员，但是按照一个资料统计，有名可查的党员烈士，就是牺牲的有370万，有大量共产党人没有看到五星红旗升起的那一天。”

如果精英、良知们做不到如此的牺牲、建设不了如此坚强的组织，就只能是嘴炮党而已。

友甲：至于五毛，我倒还真没见过拿工资的五毛。拿工资搞宣传的那群官僚们，思想僵化、作风僵硬，是担当不了与美分党作斗争的重任的。所以主力还是满怀赤子之心的自干五们！

友甲：第三遍强调，我没反对你的论点，只是反对你带着民族和历史虚无主义的抒情！

怀仁宇：我的确揪着本民族的劣根性说事了，但我可以明确地告诉你我从未被洗脑。虽然和所有人一样，我的脑子里也充斥了大量的垃圾信息，但我更多地是在加工处理有用信息，从没放弃对自我意识的主权。民族和历史虚无主义我也是反对的。但是世界上各个民族都各有其历史，各有其路径，各有其利弊，我始终认为不应该抱残守缺。好就是好，不好就是不好，很简单的问题。面子是所有尊严当中最短浅的一种。我很高兴看到你能够将作秀官僚和腐败分子列为小丑的范畴，你早该这样说。这些不学无术、滥竽充数、自私自利的人，连同制度中的种种弊端，共同败坏着这个民族自立的根基，不断篡改着民族基因的优良成分。他们凭借着本不属于他们的权力，心口不一、为恶而不为善、为私而不为公，从根本的层面上撼动着社会的信用基础，并且与其它因素共同作用使我们的民族走向更大的奴性和虚伪性。我所呼吁的，正是民族精神中的一些不一样的特性：活力、率真、勤劳、想象力、对公平与理性的崇尚，等等。

怀仁宇：我入党快十年了，当时的动机可以说是比较纯的，而且是被学生支部提名入党的。党的英雄历史一样让我心潮澎湃。然而，爱之深，痛之切。我把要把党的光荣历史珍藏在心里，把它视为一个政治团体、一个组织放在现实中去审视，这样才是真正对它有利的。一个政党在奋斗之初，因其本身的生命力和政治凝聚力，涌现了大量英雄的人物和事迹，这是十分正常的。历史上所有顺应历史潮流的新兴势力都是这样的。但如果要解决问题，我们不妨暂时抛开昨天的荣誉。就好像要给一个恶病缠身的前运动健将动手术，我们分析他的病情、病史、病因就可以了，不能光凭他以前是运动健将，就判定他就不同于普通人群，不可能被疾病打倒。中华民族的历史和文化，如果得不到新的革新和突破，必将成为这个民族前行途中更大的包袱。

友甲：楼越来越歪了，打住~

怀仁宇：let it be, let it be...

现在的大学教育使很多学生不能成为一个健全的人。大学应该办成大学才对。有时一个老师想把自己珍视的东西传递给学生，学生不一定爱要。我们这个社会，精神的落差太大了。怎样才能让学习回归到一种纯朴？在时代面前，我那样地无能为力。

我们都要好好地活着，每天进步一点、充实一点，不断积蓄力量、增强能力，争取在机会来临的时候能做一点自己该做的事情，使我们的社会变得更好一点。

中国人都是爱国的吗？平时我是不怎么看得出来的，只是感觉我们有很强的面子感，容不得别人说我们国家不好。一旦民族危亡了，或者空前的大灾难降临了，你会看到有人自溺、自焚以明爱国之志，或者立血书、自断经脉、声嘶力竭地疾呼。似乎每个人都寄希望于唤醒别人。这样的文化焉能不革新？

"i prefer the muddy path in the woods" when i walked through the campus i murmured to myself, subconsciously.

关于“限娱令”，我要表表我作为一个公民的态度。政策一定要有连续性，要靠得谱而坑不得爹；行政一定要讲规律，明权责，顺民意；管文化一定要有文化，懂文化，爱文化。那些疯狗般叫嚣的卖药广告和“80元买金表，买一送一，还送钻石，百分之百千足金，颗颗是真钻！！！”之流的广告不禁，为何禁娱乐？

我想念我熟睡中的小瓜，她在亚美利加，不停练习说话，三餐没有鱼虾，眼泪噼里啪啦，什么时候回家，对我嘻嘻哈哈。

净得既圆，染患斯寂，荡荡涅磐城。众缘性空唯识现，南无达摩耶。理无不彰，蔽无不解，焕乎其大明。

从E. M. Forster的观点来看，武大和武松应该是属于flat character，因为他们的性格是线性的、单一的，武大是拙、朴、丑，武松是义、勇、俊，而潘金莲和西门庆则是属于round character，因为他们的性格是多面的、与故事情节共起伏的

读《金瓶梅》，我想潘金莲放在今天绝对算是一等人品。出身贫寒的幼女被卖给一个个糟老头，最后的那个张大户更是半身入土，“软如鼻涕脓如酱”。后来又白给了五短龌龊的武大。家徒四壁，潘金莲拿出全身首饰给武大去典房子，可武大却只知卖炊饼。害死武大不论。潘氏与命运抗争、追求女权的勇气可谓先驱。

如果十四亿人的幸福感、道德水准、社会参与能力、同情心、责任感整体滑坡，这个责任该由谁来负？

如何让年轻的心免受不必要的伤害，不断地滋润它，让它不断地向善？如何让人们变得真诚，懂得推己及人？如何摆脱烦恼，获得觉悟？如何做自己？如何爱？

By LUO Huaiyu, columnist with www.china.org.cn

Today, China faces two formidable gaps. On the domestic front, there is the gap between the rich and the poor; in global terms, there is the innovation gap.

This year's Global Competitiveness Report (GCR) published by the World Economic Forum (WEF), ranked China 26th in its top 30, up by one position from last year's 27th place. Switzerland took the top spot for the third consecutive year. China's Taiwan remained in 13th position. By contrast, the United States has seen its position drop over the last three year, falling from first place on the 2008-2009 list to fifth place this year.

For more, please visit: http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/2011-10/15/content_23626282.htm

U.S Apology Mends Its Constitutional Spirit

By LUO Huaiyu, columnist with www.china.org.cn

The United States Senate has recently approved by unanimous consent a resolution apologizing for its past discriminatory laws that exclusively targeted Chinese immigrants. Having been delayed for more than a century, this apology may not be substantively meaningful. Still, it has political and cultural significance, as this apology marks a progress on the road to liberty and improves the image of the U.S. internationally.


For more, please visit: http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/2011-10/12/content_23605446.htm

Its Truth is Marching on: Centennial of China’s 1911 Revolution

By LUO Huaiyu

 
This year marks the 100th anniversary of the 1911 Revolution, an epoch-making event that had far-reaching significance in the modern Chinese history. The nationalistic democratic revolution began on October 10, 1911 with the Wuchang Uprising and ended on February 12, 1912 with the abdication of Emperor Puyi, concluding an imperial history for over 2000 years and creating the first republic in Asia.

Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the spiritual leader who actually masterminded the revolution, is to be commemorated forever for his remarkable contribution to China’s modernization process. He founded the Chinese Revolutionary Alliance (Tongmenghui), which was the mainstay of the Revolution and became the Nationalist Party (or Kuomingtang) in 1912, the first political party in Chinese history.

Equally commemorable are visions of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his party for a better China. Such visions appealed to a vast ensemble of Chinese revolutionaries and reformers, Nationalists and Communists alike, and became their shared political pursuits in saving and strengthening China.

However, due to the fact that China has undergone a protracted period of internal conflicts and that feudal remnants always die hard, the goals of the 1911 Revolution have remained largely unfulfilled, even to the present day.

The first thing coming to my mind is the pursuit of “Democracy” and “Republicanism”, which were sensational and motivating war cries in those glorious years. Today, when a large number of countries in the world have already become democratic republics, none of them can claim to have carried these two ideals near consummation.

"Democracy": points to the dimension of “people”, meaning that people should be able to have their “say” and “choice”, while “Republicanism” points to the dimension of “power structure”, entailing a proper form of “check and balance” so that power won’t be transgressed or abused.

The ideals of “Democracy” and “Republicanism” should be assisted by concrete ideas. And their ideals and ideas should be bridged by people’s action, and reinforced by people’s awareness.

The second important legacy is “constitutionalism”, which, in simple terms, refers to a situation where all political power and authority derive from, and thus are limited by, the Constitution. It gives rise to the notion of “rule of law”, which offers the basic yardstick for social equity and justice.

"Constitutionalism" also presupposes that, secularly, there should be no absolute power in the face of the Constitution. While things always tend to be easier said than done in actuality, at least we should bear in mind that this is the right thing for all the humanity to do.

The third aspect is the ramifications of the “Three Principles of the People” proposed by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, namely, Principles of Nationalism, Principles of Democracy, and Principles of People’s Livelihood. The first principle asks people to always bear in mind their Chinese identity and struggle against foreign aggression of any form, the second pledges people’s rights in running the state, and the third highlights the importance of people’s wellbeing.

The “Three Principles of the People” echoes Abraham Lincoln’s “government of the people, by the people, for the people” on the one hand, and resonates with Chinese Communists’ “serving the people heart and soul” on the other.

Human civilization knows no national border. Although we are living in a world of diversity and volatility, there are some universal values that stand the test of time and space. And it is far from enough to just know them on their face value. What really matters, instead, is for us to put them to use for the benefit of all.

One hundred years have passed since the 1911 Revolution. But its legacies still carry a wealth of simple truths that shall continue to illuminate this nation’s journey ahead.

The advent of the centennial of the 1911 Revolution provides a precious opportunity for the whole nation, including Taiwan, to reflect on the long distance it has traversed, taking inventory of all its gains and pains, and reaffirm the lofty but unfulfilled ambitions of the 1911 Revolution so that Chinese across the Straits can join hands again to usher in a new era in our history and achieve the earlier rejuvenation of our nation.

The lose-lose situation in China's healthcare system

By LUO Huaiyu, columnist with www.china.org.cn

On Sept. 15, a doctor at Beijing Tongren Hospital was stabbed 17 times by a patient. The patient alleged that the throat operation the doctor had performed on him damaged his vocal abilities. He felt duped, and after a drawn-out litigation seemingly going nowhere, he attacked the doctor in rage. Less than a week later, another doctor in the same hospital was beaten in his office while a nurse was also bitten by the attacker.

For more, please visit: http://china.org.cn/opinion/2011-10/02/content_23541492.htm

其一  《说镕基》

  有名士趣，有儒家风，有百姓心，有万古情。
识诗书礼，识风雅颂，识数理化，识中华魂!


其二  《颂镕基》

总理朱镕基，治国是大师，外交是好手，经济堪称奇。
大公又无私，政治不投机，人民都说好，历史会永记。
办事严铁纪，得罪人一批，敢为天下先，为国扫垃圾。
好马不受羁，改革创奇迹，跻身世界强，功在朱镕基。
国家需要你，人民感谢你，鞠躬又尽瘁，死而后已己。


其三  《咏朱镕基》
 
惟楚生人杰，峥嵘立庙堂。
鞠躬比诸葛，变法景商鞅。
经济原先觉，金融本内行。
移薪免焦烂，着陆步康庄。
但令民登席，何辞身赴汤。
处艰甘独任，惩腐欲偕亡。
心迹千江月，生涯百炼钢。
为官无愧怍，回首有苍凉。
湛湛湘江畔，峨峨岳麓旁。
孤寒遗腹子，勤奋读书郎。
失恃慈亲背，相濡伯父将。
恩深逾己出，义重报难偿。
海内风云涌，清华岁月忙。
群贤时感激，英俊待腾骧。
赤帜欢歌震，精诚术业匡。
廿年遭运厄，一梦堕谋阳。
不息天行健，重生火浴凰。
中枢思改辙，沪渎勇挑梁。
绩著声名起，才难魅力彰。
是非心底定，功过后人量。